Eswatini: How the Monarchy Has Retained Most of Its Power

Situated between South Africa and Mozambique, Eswatini is a small landlocked state in Southern Africa. Its territory is often said to be roughly twice the size of Corsica, a comparison commonly used to emphasize its modest size. But its geopolitical significance does not rest solely on its location: the country stands out above all because of its institutions. It is described as Africa’s last absolute monarchy.

Eswatini does have a Constitution, a Parliament, elections and a Prime Minister. However, political parties cannot freely contest elections, the head of government is chosen by the king, and laws must receive royal approval to come into force. Since 1986, King Mswati III has held a central place throughout the political system.

From the Dlamini to the Swati kingdom

The history of the monarchy dates back to the early nineteenth century. The Dlamini, a clan belonging to the Nguni peoples of Southern Africa, settled in the highlands of present-day Eswatini during a period of regional conflict, population movements and a search for safer territories.

The area offered fertile land, terrain that was easier to defend, and relative protection against certain diseases. At the time, the Dlamini were only one clan among others. Their rise is associated with two rulers: Sobhuza I, who laid the kingdom’s first political foundations, and then Mswati II, who expanded and consolidated it. The name of the Swati people, and later that of the country, is linked to the latter ruler.

The building of the kingdom combined diplomacy, the pursuit of stability and the use of force. Neighbouring clans gradually accepted Dlamini authority, particularly in exchange for protection. Local chiefs were not systematically eliminated: they could retain their status and could even be linked to the royal family through marriage. Their armed forces, however, came under the king’s authority. This ability to incorporate competing powers rather than entirely suppressing them became an enduring feature of the monarchy.

The “lion” and the “elephant”

Swati political tradition rests on a symbolic pair. The king bears the title of Ingwenyama, the lion, while the queen mother is called Indlovukazi, the elephant. Upon the ruler’s death, the queen mother ensures continuity of power while the royal family selects a successor from among the late king’s sons.

This arrangement plays an important role during successions and times of crisis. It enables the dynasty to maintain a political centre of gravity even when a ruler dies or royal authority is weakened.

Colonization and land dispossession

At the end of the nineteenth century, the kingdom’s balance was disrupted by colonial expansion. The Portuguese were established in Mozambique, the British in Natal, and the Boers to the west. Relations with these powers were not immediately conflictual: commercial exchanges existed, including with the Boers.

The discovery of gold in Eswatini in 1879 nevertheless changed the situation. Settlers sought land from King Mbandzeni, also known as Dlamini IV, for exploitation. The problem stemmed in particular from different conceptions of land: in the Swati tradition described here, land was a collective asset, whereas colonial concessions were based on a logic of long-term ownership and control.

Concessions were poorly demarcated, sometimes overlapping, and foreign interests became increasingly significant. After several changes in oversight, Eswatini came under British administration following the Second Boer War in 1902. The 1907 partition proclamation allocated two thirds of the territory to settlers, including many agricultural and mining areas. Some Swatis then had to rent land or move to so-called native reserves.

This land dispossession formed part of a broader set of colonial policies that organized the appropriation of land and the erasure of the rights of dominated populations. Several histories of segregation, displacement and dispossession show the diversity of these mechanisms across countries.

Labotsibeni and Sobhuza II: rebuilding royal authority

After the death of her son Ngwane V in 1899, Labotsibeni became regent. Nicknamed Gwamile the Indomitable, she sought to restore the monarchy’s political and financial capacity. She obtained an annual pension of £1,000, considered insufficient, and then encouraged Swatis to work for foreign companies so that tax could be collected on their earnings.

She also gave education a central place. A first Swati school was built in Zombodze in 1906. Her grandson, the future Sobhuza II, continued his education in the Cape Colony, accompanied by young princes and the sons of notable figures who were intended to form a future administration.

When he became king in 1921, Sobhuza II made the recovery of land a priority. After numerous unsuccessful petitions, proceedings and efforts, the context of the Second World War opened a new phase. In 1946, the United Kingdom created a fund to buy back land for the Swati people. Another fund was established by Sobhuza II. Over three decades, the proportion of Swati land rose above 60%.

This recovery restored the royal family’s credibility and strengthened unity around the monarchy. It also illustrates the decisive role of land in a state’s political and economic sovereignty.

Independence and the disappearance of party pluralism

As independence approached, Sobhuza II sought to preserve a strong monarchy. As early as 1944, the British authorities offered to make him the supreme authority of the Swati people. He negotiated the terms of this recognition for several years and obtained broad autonomy in administration, justice and control over local chiefs, while the British retained veto power.

The United Kingdom nevertheless imposed a Constitution providing for a Parliament elected by universal suffrage. Sobhuza II then chose to take part in the electoral process by creating the Imbokodvo party. It won all 24 elective seats. When the country gained independence in 1968, the monarchy therefore relied both on traditional institutions and on the new parliamentary structures.

The situation changed in 1972, when the NNLC won three seats. After failed attempts to expel one of its MPs, Thomas Ngwenya, the king suspended the Constitution, dismissed Parliament and dissolved all political parties, including his own. He subsequently ruled by decree with the traditional council.

In 1978, a new electoral system was introduced: the tinkhundla. Candidates are elected as individuals rather than under a party label. This arrangement, which remains at the heart of the system, limits the ability to organize a national party-based opposition.

How the political system operates under Mswati III

When Sobhuza II died in 1982, the royal family had to choose an heir from among his many sons. Mswati III was selected, and his mother, Ntfombi, served as regent. He ascended the throne in 1986.

During the 1990s, the regional context changed: conflicts declined, Namibia became independent, and South Africa held its first democratic elections. Calls for democratization were also expressed in Eswatini. A national consultation led to the adoption of a new Constitution in 2005.

The text provides for a Parliament, a government and an independent judiciary. However, the concentration of royal power remains substantial. The king appoints part of Parliament, including two thirds of senators, and must approve legislation. He chooses the Prime Minister, appoints the other members of government and takes part in appointing the principal judges. Cases directly involving him fall outside the courts’ jurisdiction.

The king also controls Tibiyo, a fund created under Sobhuza II and officially intended for the country’s development. The fund finances infrastructure and holds stakes in a large part of the economy, without meaningful parliamentary oversight according to the reported information.

The 2021 protests and the 2023 elections

In 2021, the disappearance and subsequent death of 25-year-old law student Thabani Nkomonye sparked mobilization. Police concluded that it was an accident, while his family and fellow students disputed that account. The demands, initially focused on police violence, quickly took on a political dimension.

Citizens submitted petitions in the tinkhundla, calling in particular for the Prime Minister to be elected by the population rather than appointed by the king. The ban on submitting these petitions preceded demonstrations in June 2021. Shops were looted and buildings linked to the royal family were set on fire. The internet was shut down and the army was deployed.

The Eswatini Human Rights Commission confirmed 46 deaths and hundreds of injuries, while indicating that the actual toll could be higher. In September 2023, elections were held in a largely peaceful climate, but without free competition between political parties. A traditional assembly, the Sibaya, also allows citizens to express their expectations; nevertheless, the choice of Prime Minister remains with the king.

Eswatini thus combines elections, public consultations, parliamentary institutions and traditional structures, while retaining final authority that is heavily centralized around the monarchy. As the example of Ghana’s regulatory framework also shows, the existence of laws and institutions alone does not make it possible to understand the full reality of how power is exercised: the decision-making and oversight mechanisms surrounding them must also be considered.

FAQ

Why is Eswatini described as an absolute monarchy?

The country has elected institutions, but the king chooses the Prime Minister, appoints a significant proportion of representatives, must approve laws and retains influence over the judiciary. Political parties cannot freely take part in elections.

How long has Mswati III ruled Eswatini?

Mswati III has ruled since 1986, after being selected as Sobhuza II’s successor.

What is the difference between Swaziland and Eswatini?

They are the same country. The name Swaziland was replaced by Eswatini in 2018.