{"id":22135,"date":"2026-10-09T15:01:38","date_gmt":"2026-10-09T15:01:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/"},"modified":"2026-10-09T15:01:38","modified_gmt":"2026-10-09T15:01:38","slug":"cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/","title":{"rendered":"Cameroon: Paul Biya, the Memory of War and the Legacies of Fran\u00e7afrique"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Cameroon holds a distinctive place in debates on African independences and Fran\u00e7afrique. The country\u2019s history cannot be reduced to an institutional transition to sovereignty: it is also marked by the repression of the independence movement of the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC), the consolidation of a centralised state, and the long-marginalised memory of violence during the colonial and post-independence periods.<\/p>\n<p>Paul Biya has been president of Cameroon since 1982. His exercise of power is regularly examined through two dimensions: control over political competition and the building of networks of loyalty, notably within the administration and the economy. These issues intersect with the enduring relationship between Cameroon and France, as well as with demands for truth and justice regarding the past.<\/p>\n<div id=\"ez-toc-container\" class=\"ez-toc-v2_0_88 counter-hierarchy ez-toc-counter ez-toc-transparent ez-toc-container-direction\">\n<div class=\"ez-toc-title-container\">\n<p class=\"ez-toc-title\" style=\"cursor:inherit\">Table of Contents<\/p>\n<span class=\"ez-toc-title-toggle\"><a href=\"#\" class=\"ez-toc-pull-right ez-toc-btn ez-toc-btn-xs ez-toc-btn-default ez-toc-toggle\" aria-label=\"Toggle Table of Content\"><span class=\"ez-toc-js-icon-con\"><span class=\"\"><span class=\"eztoc-hide\" style=\"display:none;\">Toggle<\/span><span class=\"ez-toc-icon-toggle-span\"><svg style=\"fill: #1e73be;color:#1e73be\" xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" class=\"list-377408\" width=\"20px\" height=\"20px\" viewBox=\"0 0 24 24\" fill=\"none\"><path d=\"M6 6H4v2h2V6zm14 0H8v2h12V6zM4 11h2v2H4v-2zm16 0H8v2h12v-2zM4 16h2v2H4v-2zm16 0H8v2h12v-2z\" fill=\"currentColor\"><\/path><\/svg><svg style=\"fill: #1e73be;color:#1e73be\" class=\"arrow-unsorted-368013\" xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\" width=\"10px\" height=\"10px\" viewBox=\"0 0 24 24\" version=\"1.2\" baseProfile=\"tiny\"><path d=\"M18.2 9.3l-6.2-6.3-6.2 6.3c-.2.2-.3.4-.3.7s.1.5.3.7c.2.2.4.3.7.3h11c.3 0 .5-.1.7-.3.2-.2.3-.5.3-.7s-.1-.5-.3-.7zM5.8 14.7l6.2 6.3 6.2-6.3c.2-.2.3-.5.3-.7s-.1-.5-.3-.7c-.2-.2-.4-.3-.7-.3h-11c-.3 0-.5.1-.7.3-.2.2-.3.5-.3.7s.1.5.3.7z\"\/><\/svg><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a><\/span><\/div>\n<nav><ul class='ez-toc-list ez-toc-list-level-1 eztoc-toggle-hide-by-default' ><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-1\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#From_the_independence_struggle_to_Ahmadou_Ahidjos_state\" >From the independence struggle to Ahmadou Ahidjo\u2019s state<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-2\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#Paul_Biya_and_the_continuity_of_the_political_system\" >Paul Biya and the continuity of the political system<\/a><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-3' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-3\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#Clientelism_opacity_and_social_expectations\" >Clientelism, opacity and social expectations<\/a><\/li><\/ul><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-4\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#Resources_companies_and_debates_on_Francafrique\" >Resources, companies and debates on Fran\u00e7afrique<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-5\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#The_memory_of_Cameroons_war_a_political_issue\" >The memory of Cameroon\u2019s war: a political issue<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-2'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-6\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#FAQ\" >FAQ<\/a><ul class='ez-toc-list-level-3' ><li class='ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-7\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#Why_is_the_UPC_central_to_Cameroons_history\" >Why is the UPC central to Cameroon\u2019s history?<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-8\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#What_does_Francafrique_mean_in_Cameroon\" >What does Fran\u00e7afrique mean in Cameroon?<\/a><\/li><li class='ez-toc-page-1 ez-toc-heading-level-3'><a class=\"ez-toc-link ez-toc-heading-9\" href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/cameroon-paul-biya-memory-war-francafrique-legacy\/#Why_does_the_memory_of_Cameroons_war_remain_disputed\" >Why does the memory of Cameroon\u2019s war remain disputed?<\/a><\/li><\/ul><\/li><\/ul><\/nav><\/div>\n<h2><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"From_the_independence_struggle_to_Ahmadou_Ahidjos_state\"><\/span>From the independence struggle to Ahmadou Ahidjo\u2019s state<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Before and after independence on 1 January 1960, the UPC advocated genuine independence and the reunification of Cameroon. According to research cited in public debate, the repression carried out against this movement caused several tens of thousands of deaths. Acts of torture, bombings and the destruction of villages are also documented in research devoted to this period.<\/p>\n<p>The war remained largely absent from official accounts for a long time. One explanation put forward concerns the territory\u2019s international status, as it was then under United Nations trusteeship: critics argued that the French military deployment there was incompatible with the rules governing that trusteeship. After independence, French intervention was officially justified as assistance provided to the Cameroonian government in the face of the insurgency.<\/p>\n<p>Ahmadou Ahidjo, who was supported by the French administration according to several historical analyses, established an authoritarian regime. The struggle against the UPC and other opposition forces was accompanied by restrictions on the press, movement and political activity. This period helped establish a lasting climate of fear around what is known as the \u201cUPC memory.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>In 1972, the writer Mongo Beti published <em>Main basse sur le Cameroun<\/em>, a work devoted to the mechanisms of domination and political violence in the country. The book was banned and copies were seized in France shortly after its publication. This episode is frequently cited to illustrate the difficulty of bringing to public attention a history that contradicted official narratives.<\/p>\n<h2><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Paul_Biya_and_the_continuity_of_the_political_system\"><\/span>Paul Biya and the continuity of the political system<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Paul Biya succeeded Ahmadou Ahidjo on 6 November 1982, after notably serving as secretary-general of the presidency and prime minister. Educated in France, he was initially presented as representing a more open approach than his predecessor. Multiparty politics was legalised in December 1990, and the press was then granted a formally more liberal framework.<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless, researchers, journalists and opposition figures describe a tightly controlled pluralism. The Cameroon People\u2019s Democratic Movement (CPDM), the presidential party, is accused by its critics of relying on administrative control, clientelism and the marginalisation of opponents. Restrictions targeting critical newspapers, the difficulties encountered by opposition figures in gathering, and the use of military courts in certain cases all fuel these criticisms.<\/p>\n<p>Political scientist Marie-Emmanuelle Pommerolle has studied forms of loyalty within Cameroon\u2019s political order. Public ceremonies, parades and mobilisation during national holidays may constitute displays of patriotic support, but they may also respond to administrative, professional or educational obligations. A public presence alone therefore cannot measure genuine support for a regime.<\/p>\n<h3><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Clientelism_opacity_and_social_expectations\"><\/span>Clientelism, opacity and social expectations<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n<p>Critical analyses of Paul Biya\u2019s rule also stress the opacity of public decision-making. His rare public statements and the limited visibility of cabinet meetings are often noted. His critics see this as a highly presidential mode of government, in which initiatives depend on decisions made at the highest level of the state.<\/p>\n<p>This centralisation is linked to infrastructure difficulties and delays in certain major projects. The road connection between Yaound\u00e9 and Douala is notably cited as a symbol of the constraints affecting implementation and coordination. Preparations for the Africa Cup of Nations held in Cameroon in 2022 also fuelled debate over delays and the state of facilities.<\/p>\n<p>Insecurity, unemployment among young graduates, rising living costs and allegations of corruption have fuelled strong social discontent. The February 2008 protests against the high cost of living and against the constitutional revision that removed presidential term limits were severely repressed. Activists from the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (MRC) were also convicted by a military court, a situation denounced by their supporters.<\/p>\n<p>Community divisions and fear of repression are regularly cited to explain the difficulty of building lasting nationwide mobilisations. However, it is important to distinguish between the positions of different actors: the authorities invoke public order and the legal framework, while opposition and human rights organisations challenge the conditions under which political and electoral expression takes place.<\/p>\n<h2><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Resources_companies_and_debates_on_Francafrique\"><\/span>Resources, companies and debates on Fran\u00e7afrique<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>The notion of Fran\u00e7afrique refers to the political, economic and diplomatic networks of influence that, in various forms, extended relations between France and several African states after independence. In Cameroon\u2019s case, it is invoked to analyse the presence of French companies in sectors such as bananas, oil and rail transport, as well as the role of the CFA franc.<\/p>\n<p>Critics of this system believe that agricultural, mining and extractive wealth has insufficiently benefited the population and has favoured already influential economic or political groups. Other actors now emphasise the importance of non-French investors and partners, particularly Chinese ones. These developments do not erase the debate over the historical forms of French influence or the conditions for a more balanced relationship.<\/p>\n<p>Reflection on colonial legacies extends beyond Cameroon alone. It also invites us to examine how European expansion, expropriation and the establishment of relations of domination contributed to the formation of the modern global economy. In this respect, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/emergence-capitalism-expropriation-colonization-racism\/\">the history of the emergence of capitalism and colonial expansion<\/a> offers useful insight into these long-term dynamics.<\/p>\n<h2><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"The_memory_of_Cameroons_war_a_political_issue\"><\/span>The memory of Cameroon\u2019s war: a political issue<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Recognition of the violence connected with Cameroon\u2019s war remains a sensitive issue. A commission co-chaired by Karine Ramondy and Blick Bassy was tasked with shedding light on France\u2019s role in Cameroon between 1945 and 1971. Its report revived discussions on access to archives, the human toll, responsibilities and the possible legal classification of the crimes committed.<\/p>\n<p>This process has prompted contrasting assessments. Some regard it as a useful step towards understanding the facts. Others, including historian and publisher Thomas Deltombe, challenge its political framing, its scope and the lack of answers they consider sufficient regarding the objectives of the war, the number of victims or the judicial consequences. These criticisms are not solely about the past: they question the current uses of memory by states.<\/p>\n<p>Memorial debates are thus connected to demands for recognition, apologies or reparations made by certain actors. They also raise a broader question: how can a history be produced that conceals neither colonial violence, nor local responsibilities, nor the diversity of lived experiences? This requirement for precision is essential to prevent memories from becoming instruments of polarisation.<\/p>\n<p>As the analysis of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.christianobtf.com\/en\/slave-trades-term-arab-muslim-slave-trade-history\/\">the terms used to discuss slave trades<\/a> also shows, historical language is never neutral: it can oversimplify, assign indistinct responsibility or prevent an understanding of the diversity of actors and periods. The Cameroonian case calls for the same rigour.<\/p>\n<h2><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"FAQ\"><\/span>FAQ<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h2>\n<h3><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Why_is_the_UPC_central_to_Cameroons_history\"><\/span>Why is the UPC central to Cameroon\u2019s history?<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n<p>The UPC was one of the principal movements calling for genuine independence and the reunification of Cameroon. Its repression, before and after independence, lies at the heart of debates on colonial violence, the construction of the Cameroonian state and memorial erasure.<\/p>\n<h3><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"What_does_Francafrique_mean_in_Cameroon\"><\/span>What does Fran\u00e7afrique mean in Cameroon?<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n<p>The term refers to relations of influence maintained after independence between France and Cameroon, notably in political, economic, monetary and diplomatic matters. Its use is debated, but it serves to analyse continuities between the colonial period and postcolonial relations.<\/p>\n<h3><span class=\"ez-toc-section\" id=\"Why_does_the_memory_of_Cameroons_war_remain_disputed\"><\/span>Why does the memory of Cameroon\u2019s war remain disputed?<span class=\"ez-toc-section-end\"><\/span><\/h3>\n<p>Because it concerns the responsibilities of France, the Cameroonian authorities of the time and the forces involved in the repression. The debates concern archives, the number of victims, the classification of the violence and possible forms of recognition or justice.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>In Cameroon, the history of the repression of the UPC, the establishment of power after independence and relations with France remain at the heart of political and memorial debates. Paul Biya\u2019s long rule is analysed by his critics as the heir to old authoritarian structures, while recognition of past violence continues to prompt expectations and criticism.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":22125,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2},"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-22135","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-1"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v22.6 (Yoast SEO v28.6) - 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